Doug Lemov – Education Next https://www.educationnext.org A Journal of Opinion and Research About Education Policy Thu, 06 Apr 2023 14:31:11 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.4.2 https://i2.wp.com/www.educationnext.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/e-logo-1.png?fit=32%2C32&ssl=1 Doug Lemov – Education Next https://www.educationnext.org 32 32 181792879 Take Away Their Cellphones https://www.educationnext.org/take-away-their-cellphones-rewire-schools-belonging-achievement/ Tue, 02 Aug 2022 09:00:16 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49715559 … So we can rewire schools for belonging and achievement

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After successive school years disrupted by shutdowns, isolation, and mass experiments in remote teaching, educators returned to school in Fall 2021 to find that our classrooms and students had changed.

In the first days of the return, perhaps, we didn’t see the full scope of the changes. Yes, most of us knew that there would be yawning academic gaps. Most of us understood then what the data have since clearly borne out: despite often heroic efforts by teachers to deliver remote instruction, the pandemic had caused a massive setback in learning and academic progress. The costs had been levied most heavily on those who could least afford it, and it would take months, if not years, to make up the lost time.

But at least we were all together again, even if we were all wearing masks. We were on the road back to regular life.

As the days passed, though, a troubling reality emerged.

The students who came back to us had spent long periods away from peers, activities, and social interactions. For many young people—and their teachers—the weeks and months of isolation had been difficult emotionally and psychologically. Some had lost loved ones. Many more had endured months in a house or apartment with nearly everything they valued—sports or drama or music, not to mention moments of sitting informally among friends and laughing—having suddenly evaporated from their lives. Even students who had escaped the worst of the pandemic were out of practice when it came to the expectations, courtesies, and give-and-take of everyday life. Perhaps as a result of this, their social skills had declined.

Our students looked the same—or at least we presumed they did behind the masks—but some seemed troubled and distant. Some struggled to concentrate and follow directions. They were easily frustrated and quick to give up. Many students simply didn’t know how to get along. The media was suddenly full of stories of discipline problems, chronic disruptions due to student distractibility, lack of interest, and misbehavior in the classroom, and historic levels of student absences. In schools where no one had ever had to think about how to deal with a fight, they burst into the open like brush fires after a drought. It didn’t help that many schools were short-staffed, with leaders struggling just to get classes covered and buses on the road.

The first post-pandemic year may well have been harder than the radically disrupted 18 months of rolling lockdowns and remote learning that preceded it. The jarring disruptions related to Covid-19 aren’t the whole story, however. What has happened to our students isn’t just the impact of a protracted, once-in-a-generation adverse event, but the combined effects of several large-scale, ground-shifting trends that predate the pandemic and have reshaped the fabric of young people’s lives. As we look forward, their combined effects should cause us to think beyond short-term recovery and to reconsider how we design schools and schooling.

Researcher Jean Twenge has documented the negative effects of screens and social media on young people, including greater rates of depression, anxiety, and isolation.
Researcher Jean Twenge has documented the negative effects of screens and social media on young people, including greater rates of depression, anxiety, and isolation.

An Internet Epidemic

The pandemic occurred amid a broader epidemic. Long before Covid-19, the psychologist Jean Twenge had found spiraling levels of depression, anxiety, and isolation among teens. “I had been studying mental health and social behavior for decades and I had never seen anything like it,” Twenge wrote in her 2017 book iGen.

This historic downturn in the well-being of young people coincided almost exactly with the dramatic rise of the smartphone and social media. More specifically, it coincided with the moment when they both became universal and being disconnected or an infrequent user was no longer viable.

As a parent, I experienced this firsthand. Even before the pandemic, I was desperately trying to manage my own children’s device usage, wary of how the time they spent on their phones was increasing while the time they spent reading and doing, well, almost everything else was decreasing. We wanted to limit social media as much as possible. But when friends plan where to meet up via Instagram messenger or some other platform, and when the key information for every soccer game—where, when, which uniform—is communicated via group chat, there is no choice but to join.

Research by Twenge and others found that teenagers’ media use roughly doubled between 2006 and 2016 across gender, race, and class. In competition against the smartphone, the book, the idea of reading, lost significant ground. By 2016, just 16 percent of 12th-grade students read a book or magazine daily. As recently as 1995, 41 percent did. Meanwhile, social media was on the rise. By 2016, about three-quarters of teenagers reported using social media almost every day (see Figure 1).

Steep Growth in Social Media Use (Figure 1)

Those trends have only accelerated. A 2019 study by Common Sense Media reported that 84 percent of American teenagers own a smartphone. Parents are raising a generation that is both more connected and more disconnected than any before.

“The smartphone brought about a planetary rewiring of human interaction. As smartphones became common, they transformed peer relationships, family relationships and the texture of daily life for everyone—even those who don’t own a phone or don’t have an Instagram account,” Twenge and co-author Jonathan Haidt wrote in the New York Times in 2021. “It’s harder to strike up a casual conversation in the cafeteria or after class when everyone is staring down at a phone. It’s harder to have a deep conversation when each party is interrupted randomly by buzzing, vibrating notifications.” They quote the psychologist Sherry Turkle who notes that we are now “forever elsewhere.”

The average 12th grader in 2016, Twenge pointed out in iGen, went out with friends less often than the average 8th grader 10 years before. American teenagers were also less likely to date, drive a car, or have a job. “The roller rink, the basketball court, the town pool, the local necking spot—they’ve all been replaced by virtual spaces accessed through apps and the web,” Twenge wrote in The Atlantic. These virtual meetups are universally associated with less happiness for young people. “Those who spend an above-average amount of time with their friends in person are 20 percent less likely to say they’re unhappy than those who hang out for a below-average amount of time,” she wrote.

And that was long before Tik Tok and the latest round of social media platforms carefully designed to ensure obsession and the lingering anxiety that you really ought to be checking your phone; before the optimization of apps like Snapchat, with posts designed to disappear as soon as they are seen and therefore undiscoverable to an adult coming to a young person’s room to see what is amiss.

Increase in Entertainment Screen Use Accelerated During the Pandemic (Figure 2)

Pandemic Effects

Then in March 2020, virtually everything that might have competed with smartphones suddenly disappeared. A recent Common Sense Media study found that children’s daily entertainment usage of screens grew by 17 percent between 2019 and 2021—more than it had grown during the four years prior (see Figure 2). Overall, daily entertainment screen use in 2021 increased to 5.5 hours among tweens ages 8 to 12 and to more than 8.5 hours among teens ages 13 to 18, on average. These trends were even more pronounced for students from low-income families, whose parents were most likely to have to work in person and have fewer resources to spend on alternatives to screens.

At the levels of use that are now common, smartphones are catastrophic to the well-being of young people. As Twenge wrote, “The more time teenagers spend looking at screens, the more likely they are to report symptoms of depression. . . It’s not an exaggeration to describe [this generation] as being on the brink of the worst mental-health crisis in decades.”

Indeed, the data also show spikes in teenagers’ mental-health problems during the pandemic, when just 47 percent of students reported feeling connected to the adults and peers in their schools. Some 44 percent of high-school students reported feeling sad or persistently hopeless in 2021, according to the Centers for Disease Control. School factors had a significant effect on this data. Students who said they felt “connected to adults and peers” at school were almost 60 percent less likely to report persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness than those who did not—some 35 percent of connected students felt that way, compared with 55 percent who did not feel connected to school. The socioemotional distress students are experiencing is as much a product of the cellphone epidemic as it is a product of the Covid-19 pandemic.

In addition, all of that time on screens—even without social media—degrades attention and concentration skills, making it harder to focus fully on any task and to maintain that focus. This is not a small thing. Attention is central to every learning task and the quality of attention paid by learners shapes the outcome of learning endeavors. The more rigorous the task, the more it requires what experts call selective or directed attention. To learn well, you must be able to maintain self-discipline about where you direct your attention.

“Directed attention is the ability to inhibit distractions and sustain attention and to shift attention appropriately,” Michael Manos, clinical director of the Center for Attention and Learning at Cleveland Clinic, recently told the Wall Street Journal. “If kids’ brains become accustomed to constant changes, the brain finds it difficult to adapt to a nondigital activity where things don’t move quite as fast.”

The Trouble with Task Switching

The problem with cellphones is that young people using them switch tasks every few seconds. Better put, young people practice switching tasks every few seconds, so they become more accustomed to states of half-attention, where they are ever more expectant of a new stimulus every few seconds. When students encounter a sentence or an idea that requires slow, focused analysis, their minds are already glancing around for something new and more entertaining.

Though all of us are at risk of this type of restlessness, young people are especially susceptible. The region of the brain that exerts impulse control and self-discipline, the prefrontal cortex, isn’t fully developed until age 25. Any time young people are on a screen, they are in an environment where they are habituated to states of low attention and constant task switching. In 2017, a study found that undergraduates, who are more cerebrally mature than K–12 students and therefore have stronger impulse control, “switched to a new task on average every 19 seconds when they were online.”

In addition, the brain rewires itself constantly based on to how it functions. This idea is known as neuroplasticity. The more time young people spend in constant half-attentive task switching, the harder it becomes for them to maintain the capacity for sustained periods of intense concentration. A brain habituated to being bombarded by constant stimuli rewires accordingly, losing impulse control. The mere presence of our phones socializes us to fracture our own attention. After a time, the distractedness is within us.

“If you want kids to pay attention, they need to practice paying attention,” is how Dr. John S. Hutton, a pediatrician and director of the Reading and Literacy Discovery Center at Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center, put it in a recent Wall Street Journal article.

There is, in other words, a clear post-pandemic imperative for schools. The first step in responding to the dual crisis of learning and well-being is to set and enforce cell-phone restrictions. An institution with the dual purpose of fostering students’ learning and well-being cannot ignore an intruder that actively erodes a young mind’s ability to focus and sustain attention and also magnifies anxiety, loneliness, and depression. Cellphones must be turned off and put away when students walk through school doors. Period.

But cellphone restrictions are only part of the equation. Schools themselves will also require rewiring.

How do we do that? The answer isn’t simple. My colleagues at Uncommon Schools Denarius Frazier, Hilary Lewis, and Darryl Williams, and I have written a book describing actions we think schools should consider. Here’s a road map of some of the things we think will be necessary.

Rewiring Classrooms for Connectedness

Extracurricular activities and social and emotional learning programs can be significant factors in shaping students’ experiences. But we should also recognize that the classroom is the single most important space when it comes to shaping students’ sense of connectedness to school. Out of a typical school day, at least five or six hours will be spent in classrooms—the overwhelming majority of students’ time. If classroom practices do little to instill a sense of belonging, students will feel a weak connection to the primary purpose of school.

But just as important, building classrooms to maximize belonging cannot come at the expense of academic achievement. We are in the midst of a learning crisis of historic proportions too. Students’ lack of progress in science, math, and reading, their reduced knowledge of history, their lessened exposure to the arts—these will have lifelong costs. Teaching needs to be better, not diluted. Classrooms need to maximize belonging and learning. It can’t be one or the other.

Happily, we think this is eminently possible. I’m thinking of a math class taught by my co-author Denarius Frazier, the principal of Uncommon Collegiate Charter High School in Brooklyn, N.Y. During a discussion about trigonometry, two dozen students engaged vigorously and energetically with one another. That is, until the beautiful moment when a student named Vanessa, who had been speaking authoritatively about her solution to the problem, suddenly realized that she had confused reciprocal and inverse functions—and that her solution is dead wrong.

Vanessa paused and glanced at her notes. “Um, I’d like to change my answer,” she said playfully, without a trace of self-consciousness. Then she laughed, and her classmates laughed with her. The moment was beautiful because it was lit by the warm glow of belonging. And that was not accidental.

Consider the image below: Vanessa is speaking as her classmates listen and offer affirming gazes. Their eyes are turned to Vanessa to show encouragement and support. Their expressions communicate psychological safety, reassurance, and belonging. In fact, it’s hard to put into words just how much their glances are communicating—and each one is a little different—but these wordless expressions are as critical to shaping the moment as Vanessa’s own character and humility. This interaction fosters and protects a space in which her bravery, humor, and openness can emerge. A space where she feels important.

At Uncommon Collegiate Charter High School in Brooklyn, N.Y., students learn to use body language and positive nonverbal cues called “Habits of Attention” to support one another.
At Uncommon Collegiate Charter High School in Brooklyn, N.Y., students learn to use body language and positive nonverbal cues called “Habits of Attention” to support one another. A video of the classroom scene is available here.

How someone acts in a group setting is shaped as much by the audience and the social norms that the speaker perceives as it is by internal factors. And here those perceptions are not accidental. Frazier has socialized his students to “track”—or actively look at—the speaker and to endeavor to keep their body language and nonverbal cues positive. In Teach Like a Champion 3.0, I call that technique Habits of Attention. It is a small but critical aspect of how classrooms can maximize belonging and achievement.

Students also validated each other in other ways throughout the lesson. When a young woman named Folusho joined the discussion, she started by saying, “Ok, I agree with Vanessa…” So often, after a student speaks in class, no one other than the teacher responds or communicates that the statement was important. But when a peer’s comment begins, “I agree with…” it says implicitly that what my classmate just said is important. Such validation makes it more likely that students feel supported and successful, and that the speaker will contribute to the discussion again.

Again, this is not a coincidence. Frazier has taught his students to use phrases like that and weave their comments together, so their ideas are connected and those who have contributed feel the importance of their contributions. That technique is called Habits of Discussion. Along with Habits of Attention, it helps connect and validate students as they learn.

In addition, as Folusho was talking, her classmates began snapping their fingers. In Frazier’s classroom, that means “I agree” or “I support you.” It was a powerful dose of positive feedback at the precise moment when she, like almost anyone speaking aloud to a group of people, was most likely to momentarily wonder, “Am I making sense at all? Do I sound stupid?” Folusho suddenly got a supportive response—the snapping told her, “You’re doing great! You’re family. Let’s go!”

Again, that was deliberately woven into the fabric of the classroom. The technique, called Props, establishes procedures for students to recognize when their classmates are doing well and send affirming signals without disrupting class.

All three techniques show how a teacher like Frazier can intentionally establish a culture that reinforces both academic endeavor and a much stronger sense of belonging. And though it looks organic, there’s nothing natural about it. It’s a deliberate rewiring of social norms to maximize positive outcomes. Some skeptics label these sorts of techniques coercive or controlling, but it’s hard to watch Frazier and his students and hold on to those suspicions. Engineering the classroom to ensure positive peer-to-peer norms is about honoring young people and creating an environment that not only maximizes their learning but also their belonging—the pervading senses that school is for me and I am successful here. It’s a rewiring of the classroom that requires hard work and doggedness on the part of the teacher. But it is nothing less than students deserve.

Schools can foster student connections by providing open-ended opportunities for young people to engage. Activities might include playing games, such as chess, between classes.
Schools can foster student connections by providing open-ended opportunities for young people to engage. Activities might include playing games, such as chess, between classes.

Rewiring Schools for Belonging

Rewiring a school for belonging involves rethinking many of the things we do, such as extracurricular activities. Nashville Classical Charter School provides an example of how schools might do this. In 2021, school leaders were reconsidering how its programs could intentionally build a sense of connectedness and belonging among students. Head of School Charlie Friedman and his colleagues decided to dramatically expand after-school sports programs, to allow students to explore their identities, build relationships with trusted adults, and perform in front of a crowd.

Nashville Classical extended tryout periods, to maximize students’ opportunities feel like part of a team. Leaders also offered stipends for coaching and encouraged their best community builders to coach, by explicitly valuing expertise at culture building alongside expertise at the sport. The school engaged audiences by inviting families to vote on a mascot and created an engaging game-day experience with a cheerleading squad, songs, and chants. This attracted a substantial audience, so student-athletes could compete in front of more people and fans could build community through gathering and cheering together.

It’s important to have high-quality extracurriculars that aren’t based on years of prior experience. It’s hard for a student to decide in grade 8 that they would really like to be a part of the basketball team if they haven’t already spent years playing. But that’s not true of the debate team or the Spanish club. Those activities should be as well run as any others, rather than a lonely space with obligatory supervision where the connections are peripheral at best.

Schoolwide rituals are also important to fostering a sense of belonging. For example, Frazier’s school has a regular meeting circle where the entire school is present. Students are publicly honored for their academic excellence or for being positive members of the school community.

Character education and social and emotional learning programs can also play a role. But my advice is to build a few priorities into the fabric of the school rather than buy a program to use in an isolated manner. Positive character traits should be “caught, sought, and taught,” according to my co-author Hilary Lewis. Gratitude is a great example. When students make a habit of concretely expressing gratitude to other people in the school community, it confers mutual benefits. Expressions of gratitude make the recipients feel more connected while also confering status on the giver, because their appreciation is a thing worthy of sharing deliberately.

And, as Shawn Achor explains in his book The Happiness Advantage, expressing gratitude regularly has the effect of calling students’ attention to its presence. Repetitive thinking causes a “cognitive afterimage” where we continue to see whatever it is we’re thinking about, even when we’ve shifted focus. In other words, if you continually share and expect to be sharing examples of things you are grateful for, you start looking for them. You begin scanning the world for examples of good things to appreciate and notice more of the good that surrounds you. Gratitude is a well-being builder.

Open-ended opportunities to relax and connect outside of the classroom also foster connectedness and belonging. At Cardiff High School in Wales, for example, school leaders filled a common area with games that are easy to join. They added chess boards, card tables with decks of cards, and even a ping pong table to create opportunities for engaging, positive social interaction in between classes.

In Gerry Padilla’s Spanish classes at Marlborough High School in Massachusetts, students leave devices in a “cell phone hotel.” Restricting phone access doesn’t have to mean a ban.
In Gerry Padilla’s Spanish classes at Marlborough High School in Massachusetts, students leave devices in a “cell phone hotel.” Restricting phone access doesn’t have to mean a ban.

Saying No to Cellphones

These innovations can be powerful—but not on their own. The pull of smartphones and social media apps designed to distract is bound to undermine any expression of support, after-school sport, or card table. The single most important thing schools can do is to restrict cellphone access for large parts of the school day. This doesn’t mean banning phones, it just means setting rules. These can take different forms, like setting up cellphone lockers at the main entrance, requiring students to use cellphone-collection baskets at the classroom door, or limiting use to cellphone-approved zones in the school building. My personal preference is a simple policy: You can have your cellphone in your bag, but it must be turned off and cannot be visible during the school day. Not during lunch, not in the hall, not anywhere until after the last bell rings. If there’s an emergency and you need to contact your parents, you may use it in the main office. That’s it.

Schools must create blocks of time when students can work in a manner that allows them to rebuild their attentional skills and experience the full value of connected social interaction. They must also protect students’ opportunities to socialize with one another. Allowing students to use their phones as classroom tools (for quick research or as calculators, for example), or to leave them turned on (but with silent haptic notifications that distract nonetheless), or to turn them on during lunch or other learning breaks keeps them connected to their devices and disconnected from one another.

It won’t be easy, but it can be done. France has done it. The state of Victoria in Australia has done it. Some American public schools and districts have done it, in Missouri, Pennsylvania, Maine, and New York.

These bans are often followed by remarkable and instantaneous change. “It has transformed the school. Social time is spent talking to friends,” a teacher from Australia told my colleagues and me. “It is so nice walking around the yard seeing students actually interacting again, and no distractions during class,” said another.

The change, teachers told us, was quick—so long as you could get the adults to follow through. That is, if the rule was consistent and enforced, then students adapted quickly and were happy, even if they fought it at first. If the ban didn’t work, the problem was usually that some of the adults didn’t follow through. “Consistent enforcement from all = key,” one teacher explained in a note. “Can’t be ‘the cool teacher’.” The problem, of course, is that there’s a strong incentive to be “the cool teacher,” so schools must spend time making sure teachers understand the reasons for the rule and holding them accountable for supporting it.

School and district leaders should be prepared for doubts, skepticism, and pushback. We’ve seen this at the state level already. In 2019, lawmakers in four states proposed legislation to ban cellphones in school. But the bills, in Arizona, Maine, Maryland, and Utah, failed to advance. A rule that barred students from bringing cellphones into New York City public schools was ended in 2015, because then-Mayor Bill DeBlasio said “parents should be able to call or text their kids,” though individual schools may choose to limit phone access.

Two comments I often hear: “it’s an infringement on young people’s freedom” and “the role of schools is to teach young people to make better choices. We should talk to them about cell phones, not restrict them.”

The first response makes two assumptions: first, that there is no difference between young people and adults, and second, that there is no difference between the people who run a school—and therefore are responsible to stakeholders for outcomes—and the young people who attend the school. Both are mistaken. The purpose of a school is to give young people the knowledge and skills they require to lead successful lives. This always involves an exercise of social contract. We collectively give up something small as individuals and receive something valuable and rare in return as a group. It is impossible to run a school without this sort of give-and-take. Suggesting that we give students “freedom” to use cell phones whenever they want is trading valuable and enduring freedom that accrues later for a self-destructive indulgence in the present.

The argument that “schools should teach young people the skill of managing technology” is patently unrealistic. Schools are not designed to address, much less unravel, psychological dependence on portable supercomputers designed to disrupt and hold our attention. Teachers already have a daunting list of educational priorities. They are not trained counselors, and the school counselors on staff are in woefully short supply.

It’s magical thinking to propose that an epidemic that has doubled rates of mental health issues and changed every aspect of social interaction among millions of people is going to go away when a teacher says, “Guys, always use good judgment with your phones.” We’re not really wrestling with the problem if our response assumes that the average teacher, via a few pithy lessons, can battle a device that has addicted a generation into submission.

Restriction is a far better strategy. These efforts won’t be simple to execute, but the alternative is simply too damaging to students’ learning and well-being. Keep cellphones turned off and out of sight during the school day—and give students and educators a fighting chance to focus, reconnect, and build school cultures that nurture belonging and academic success.

Doug Lemov is founder of Teach Like a Champion and author of the Teach Like a Champion books. He is a co-author of the forthcoming book Reconnect, from which this essay is adapted. He was a managing director of Uncommon Schools, designing and implementing teacher training based on the study of high-performing teachers.

This article appeared in the Fall 2022 issue of Education Next. Suggested citation format:

Lemov, D. (2022). Take Away Their Cellphones … So we can rewire schools for belonging and achievement. Education Next, 22(4), 8-16.

For more, please see “The Top 20 Education Next Articles of 2022.”

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49715559
Writing a Knowledge-Driven English Curriculum https://www.educationnext.org/writing-a-knowledge-driven-english-curriculum/ Thu, 12 Aug 2021 09:00:08 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49713785 The limits of “Library Friday,” and the problem with the prompting guide—solved by putting the book back at the center of class.

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Illustration of many book covers

A few years ago, we started to re-imagine reading instruction, but the thought of writing a curriculum never entered our minds. There were things we thought reading teachers could do differently (some of which Doug described in his 2016 book written with Colleen Driggs and Erica Woolway, Reading Reconsidered), but we thought it would work to simply make the case to teachers directly. If we explained useful ideas and our case was convincing, teachers would apply the ideas, each in their own unique way, and better teaching would spread and evolve.

It turned out it wasn’t that simple.

Being knowledge-driven was a good example of “something we thought teachers could do differently.” Let’s say a class was reading Number the Stars, Lois Lowry’s novel set during the Nazi occupation of Copenhagen in 1943. A teacher who provided background knowledge on topics like the rationing of goods such as sugar and butter would help students to better comprehend key passages, like the one where the protagonist, Annemarie, scoffs dismissively at her little sister’s desire for a pink frosted cupcake. Understanding how rationing affected characters they had come to care about would cause students to comprehend the book more deeply and glean more knowledge for next time through their reading. They would come to understand both the psychology of rationing – the childish fixations of a younger sibling; the snappish responses of an older one – as much as the logistics – long-lines; distribution schedules; black market goods. They could apply this knowledge to other contexts in their future studies. Students would understand the text more deeply, in other words; but with the right reflections in the course of reading, they would also increase their knowledge far more quickly for next time. Add a dozen short articles on, say, resistance movements, how small children understand complex realities or how occupying armies interact with civilians, and suddenly not only would the book be a richer read, it could become a knowledge-generating machine. The knowledge might seem at first unique to the book’s setting but facts, understood deeply, don’t stay disconnected for long.

There were other things we believed about improving the teaching of English. For example:

  • Students should be comfortable with challenging texts and the idea of struggle. This would be one of the fundamental experiences of their lives at university and as professionals. They should have tools they use to attend to and unpack the written word when it proves complex. Proficiency with such tools can be improved through steady exposure and deliberate practice.
  • Reading a book should be a writing-intensive experience, and that writing should be a tool students use not just to express and justify existing opinions, but to discover what they think in the first And students should be taught to expand their syntactic control — their mastery of tools to help them write sentences that capture nuanced and sophisticated ideas — in a methodical way.
  • Reading a book is a social phenomenon. Reading a book together as a class means everyone laughing or gasping, together in a room, hearing and coming to understand both shared experience and how others may have viewed it differently. The power of this shared experience was a primary reason for the rise of written language as a source of enjoyment and wisdom rather than the mere transfer of technical information. Good classrooms could recreate that feeling of deeply shared experience. Perhaps if books are to survive in the age of the smartphone, they must.
  • Vocabulary is the single most important form of background knowledge and teaching it well requires constant opportunities to use and play with words in different settings, so good vocabulary instruction should start with, rather than end at, the definition.

Useful ideas, we hope, but even when teachers agreed with them, they struggled to implement them into their teaching. They weren’t able to go home and source short non-fiction passages about resistance movements in wartime, for example. Who knew where to find such an article; and once you found it, it needed editing – there were long digressions about less relevant topics, or part of the key information was in one article and part of it was in another. It took time teachers didn’t have, especially when preparing lessons after making dinner and just possibly putting their own children to bed.

Developing just the right writing prompts or the text-dependent questions that would allow for successful close reading of challenging books took time as well – more time than people teaching four preps and grading 150 papers had available on their lunch break when they were – whoops! – also supposed to be covering the lunch room. And it took expertise. Your 150th close-reading question is better than your 3rd, we have since discovered, especially when a team of colleagues gives you regular feedback on them.

Teachers rarely take courses in instructional design, Robert Pondiscio pointed out in a recent commentary. It’s a completely different skill from teaching a lesson, but one we assume teachers will naturally be able to do well. “It’s like expecting the waiter at your favorite restaurant to serve your meal attentively while simultaneously cooking for twenty-five other people – and doing all the shopping and prepping the night before. You’d be exhausted too,” Pondiscio writes.

It took us a long time to discover the wisdom in what Pondiscio was saying. Just because teachers believed in an idea didn’t make it feasible for them to do it. And just doing it didn’t guarantee anything about succeeding at it. We spent a lot of time talking about what kept teachers from having the lessons they wanted. Finally there was a meeting where someone said, “I’m just not sure there’s any way to do this without writing an actual curriculum with daily lesson plans and the like.”

After that, the room went absolutely silent.

One of the reasons the room went silent was that we’d seen a lot of the curriculums English teachers were being given – even in schools we loved and respected. Curriculum was done to teachers; it told them what to say and discouraged their own decision-making and precluded their own interests. Plans were unwieldy, dense documents, precisely scripted to make sure the teacher didn’t say the wrong thing. Emily had a colleague who burst into her room one morning, marked-up lesson plan in her hand. Twenty-two years old and desperate to do right by her students, she had spent hours memorizing the detailed lesson plan provided by the network. Like an actor’s script, her lesson plan was highlighted, annotated, dogeared. But her copy of the novel was blank. She was so busy trying to remember what she was supposed to say, she hadn’t had time to finish (or think much about) the book yet. How would she react when a student asked her something unexpected about a character or idea?

We wanted a curriculum that loved books and teachers, that supported them and could respond to where they were in their own teaching journey: question by question for a new teacher, with suitable autonomy and flexibility for a master. There had to be a way to help teachers without giving them a straitjacket. We were imagining something that gave teachers great lessons to use and that respected their knowledge even while supplementing it. If we wanted to help teachers approach teaching English differently, we’d have to make it so they were happy with the trade.

One of the ways we tried to do that was to rely on teachers like Emily as designers – people who had experienced a variety of approaches and would always see the lesson through the eyes of someone who had to stand up in front of 30 young people and bring it to life.

When Emily first started teaching, she remembers, her students often did everything she asked of them, but her classes still felt all wrong. Her pupils diligently annotated the texts they read and crafted written responses, memorizing five types of character inferences and eight steps to find the main idea. Anchor charts papered the walls; chants echoed down the hallway. Each of her lessons was organized around one transferable skill. The class would master it, and then (she hoped) they’d forever be able to infer a character’s motivation from their actions, dialogue, and thoughts. Over and over, text after text, they’d find a handy character and chart the relevant evidence, then dutifully slot the evidence into the rigid format of a paragraph response.

In discussion, Emily was taught to use a prompting guide, a spiral-bound document of questions aligned to each reading skill. The ideal discussion was one in which teachers asked no “text-specific” questions, the thinking being that universal prompts would be more broadly applicable to future texts. As student discussion veered off course, Emily would find herself flipping through the prompting guide, trying to diagnose the skill gap and find the perfect question to bring students back on track without asking about specific characters or plot points. In the midst of this process, the novel seemed to die. She and her students talked about the prompt and the evidence needed to answer it, but less often the book itself.

Their writing was just as troubling. It was painful to read. Tortured syntax, ideas crammed into strict frames supplemented by carefully copied but completely irrelevant evidence from the text.

The moments in class that felt electric were often accidental. One day, Emily and her students were reading the novel Chains, a beautifully written but challenging work of historical fiction set in 18th-century colonial America. In one scene, a servant attempts to explain the dynamics of the household to the protagonist, a young enslaved girl. About the master’s widowed aunt, the servant explains:

She’s old and rich, and owns land in three countries. The master hopes to inherit the lot when she dies, so they treat her like the Queen herself. To her face at least.

In their written responses, students had been struggling to make inferences about character motivation; asking, ‘What does the character want or need?’ led to blank stares. Out of ideas, Emily remembers closing the prompting guide and rereading the scene as a group, pausing to define the word ‘inherit’ and explaining whom the phrase “the Queen” alluded to. The resulting discussion was enthusiastic, accurate, and even fun. Students were able to live in the text in a different, richer way when they weren’t trying to force each scene into a tidy formula of Motivation + Obstacle = Conflict.

Curious about other approaches to teaching reading, Emily switched schools and, ironically, went from one flawed model to its opposite.

She began teaching at an arts-based, progressive charter school in Manhattan with a less structured approach to reading that she hoped would be more effective for students (and more sustainable for herself). The model was student- led and self-directed. The ideal lesson started on the carpet with Emily in the middle, occasionally reading aloud to students, who then created projects in groups based on the stories. While this model preserved the joy of reading and freed teachers and students from the pressure to support every argument with three pieces of evidence from the text, the emphasis on group work and self- directed learning had other costs.

The model valorized choice reading. Every week ended with “Library Friday,” an entire class period in which students read books of their choice, snuggled into bean bag chairs in the corner of the classroom. The thinking was that each child knows best what interests them, so students should be most motivated to read if they pursue their passions and select their own books. But it was hard to tell how much and how well each of 25 children was reading. And the model was strangely isolating. No one ever changed their opinion about a book because a classmate pushed them to see it differently. Kids rarely read something that they didn’t think they’d like at first but that moved and inspired them. It was a bit of an echo chamber; a monument to the idea that as long as kids were reading something, all was well. The students who already loved reading adored this time, devouring book after book. But for the students who didn’t love to read, or were easily distracted, or who struggled to read attentively, or who did not read on grade level but were embarrassed to choose easier texts, it was 60 minutes of idly flipping pages.

And project-based learning was fun, but was it teaching students to read deeply? Had a student really grappled with Island of the Blue Dolphins, for example, if their major project was to make their own version of Karana’s skirt out of paper feathers? Without a grounding in historical context to help them understand early contacts between native peoples and traders, without independent writing that caused them to think about loneliness and isolation, without a closer look at Karana’s decisions at the end of the book – the two marks she makes on her face, her acceptance of the western dress her rescuers make for her to wear – it was hard to say that students had fully read it.

The truth was, students had to write frequently to understand a text – and to be able to feel its full emotional resonance. They had to be able to unpack a thorny patch of resistant text instead of skipping over it. They got more things, unexpected things, out of shared reading but they had to learn to listen carefully during discussions. And hands-on experiences like role-playing or debating what a character should have done in a crucial scene were a lot more beneficial when they were grounded in knowledge (and therefore reality), so students weren’t guessing, often erroneously, about life in the 19th century. “I’d tell them to go away,” wasn’t an especially useful response to the arrival of the Russian traders in the opening scenes of Island of the Blue Dolphins, no matter how heartfelt. In other words, a funny thing happened when Emily started to design more rigorous and demanding activities for her students while also giving them knowledge to support their understanding: they liked reading more. A lot of the activities designed to motivate and engage students had the perverse effect of replacing the core act of reading. But there were moments that proved that reading, done differently, could be just as engaging and motivating as making posters or acting out key scenes.

Our first step was to build a model – a unit that tested all of the elements we wanted to include. For this, we used the book Esperanza Rising, a novel set equally in Mexico and California describing the journey of the daughter of a once wealthy rancher killed and dispossessed in the aftermath of the Mexican revolution as she migrates to the United States. It took us six tries to get our “knowledge organizer” – a summary of key background knowledge students would need to get the most out of the book – right. We included historical readings about the Mexican caste system. We included a study of Dorothea Lange’s photographs to understand the plight of the Okies who arrive later in the book but refined and tweaked the questions to create a wider range of writing experiences (e.g. “Write a page from Lange’s journal from the day she took this photo”). In asking students to unlock the symbolism of the produce for which chapters were named – figs, onions, roses – we provided background on how each was often used: people often referred to the layers of an onion, or to the fact that they made one cry in chopping them, or to the fact that onions were simple and cheap, often peasant fare. Did one of these meanings apply? Or something different.

Once our unit was built, we tried it out in the classrooms of four or five willing teachers. We observed and solicited feedback. They loved the vocabulary; the pacing was challenging. We guest-taught some lessons ourselves and then made changes, especially changes that teachers said would make the lessons easier to use. We developed support materials: an overview and a unit plan for each book; a curriculum guide to explain all the parts of the lessons; and we shot videos of quality implementation to show what ten minutes of vocabulary or close reading should look like so teachers could see and study models.

Our curriculum was always designed to be built around books – exploring and unpacking their layers, hearing the increasingly familiar mannerisms of an author’s voice and persistent echoes of a time period, getting the jokes and perceiving the subtle hints. These experiences form a relationship between students and books that shorter forms of text cannot replicate. It makes books an irreplaceable part of one’s schooling. Books get inside us and stay there. What’s more, the books themselves matter. Books like Animal Farm and Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass matter, not just because people will allude to them at university, but because of the way deeply reading a book can change who you are. To “pass over” into the mind of another person, to understand their perspective intellectually and emotionally, is to live part of their experience and to “return enlarged,” the scientist and philosopher of reading Maryanne Wolf writes.

With that in mind, we set out to choose the books. (Our curriculum has poetry and short story units, but these are designed to be “book length,” i.e. about six weeks in duration.) We thought a typical teacher could teach five or six books really well in a year – in a way that modeled what it meant to become immersed in a text, that is. That meant that a book was a scarce and precious resource. Each choice had to be of immensely high quality. But what were the right six books, the ones that let students read books of historical significance but that also represented a diversity of perspectives? Were the right six books for 30 seventh graders in Dallas the same as those for seventh graders in New York or Fresno – or Liverpool for that matter? Or for two teachers right down the hall from one another in Dallas but with different interests and passions? How could we balance the benefits of choice with the benefits of shared knowledge — the idea that if you wanted to make connections across texts, you couldn’t get — very far unless there were books you could reliably assume all of your students had read. We called this an “internal canon”: each school needed a balanced selection of shared books that everyone had read and could talk about. We looked for books that were diverse, challenging, important, and inspiring. Books that gave rise to rich conversations about knowledge and that were challenging enough that students could take on the best the English language had to offer without fear. And books that, brought to life in the classroom, would be unforgettable. We decided early on to make the curriculum “modular” to give schools and teachers an array of books to choose from and let them each choose their ideal six. The right decision in one school need not be the right decision in another.

Our design process is simple but, some might say, backwards. We start each lesson as an adult reader, rereading the day’s section of the book. What’s happening on the page? What moments in the text make us sit up a little straighter, reach for that highlighter, raise our eyebrows? Where is the language doing something interesting? Then, we interrogate those responses — what tiny choices, what turns of phrase, what buildups of tension made that moment happen? Why this word and not another? How can we break down the layers of nuance and connection that created our experience as adult readers, and, through a series of questions, guide a room of 12-year-olds to a similar insight?

This process might sound obvious but the core idea – that the objective for each lesson starts with and is driven by the book – is the opposite of what many curricula do. They start with a learning standard and attempt to make the book support that goal. Over time, we felt, this risks losing touch with the reason one is reading the book in the first place. We wanted to let the book guide us, to write a curriculum by and for people who love books, meant to create more people who love books.

In our curriculum, we draw on technical literary vocabulary: passive voice, alliteration, intrusive narration. We dive deeply into historical context: what would a student need to know about the life of a Victorian-era London cab driver to understand this scene in The Magician’s Nephew? What makes a boarding school uniform so significant in Lord of the Flies? (And for that matter, what is a boarding school uniform? Or even a boarding school?) We track down obscure allusions and references, looking for that grain of context that snaps meaning into place: a text on spiritual chanting to help students understand the power of the community’s chant in The Giver, an article on dissociation and trauma to make sense of fragmented narration in Freak the Mighty.

It isn’t easy, and we’re still figuring it out, but we believe in planning this way because this process – notice, wonder, dig deeper, step back – brings a text to life. We strive for balance: open to an emotional experience but grounded in knowledge. Digging into the granular, word-by-word choices an author makes, while remaining connected to other moments within and across books. Sharing a text with the class but grappling in writing on our own.

This planning process takes time, but it saves time for teachers – an observation that highlights the difference between lessons planning (the process described above) and lesson preparation (the process of getting ready to teach a lesson no matter who has written it). We believe that time spent in preparation is the most valuable a teacher can spend. Great close-reading questions only truly work with a teacher who has considered which students she’ll ask which questions of, who will read each section, and what additional questions she’ll ask when students struggle. We’re happy to research and write an article on the role of the planet Venus in science fiction if that means a teacher has more time to read student writing about Ray Bradbury.

We imagine that the accumulation of units taught in this way will create the bank of knowledge students need in high school and beyond. And then an allusion in Lord of the Flies reminds you of an allusion you read in The Magician’s Nephew years earlier. The feeling of reading a dense, thorny text that resists you, that makes no sense, and then gradually peeling back the layers to find a truth or nuance you would have missed – that doesn’t leave you. Even being able to recognize and name: this is an allusion to something I don’t understand yet. The author is using a metaphor here but I’m not sure why. Imagine how approaching reading in this way can change the narrative for students. What power in being able to shift from “I’m not a good reader” to “I don’t know about this yet.” From “I can’t make inferences” to “What do I need to learn more about?” The mental process of establishing meaning first, then shifting to analysis is replicable across units and years. Normalizing rereading, valorizing research, but above all, putting the book back at the center of class.

Because in our curriculum, the book is the thing – not the objectives and standards and skills and terms surrounding it. If you’re reading with a teacher who breathes life into the text, if you take the time to read closely and someone helps you build knowledge of the parts that are unfamiliar, we believe you will end the unit a stronger reader than when you began it, more attuned to the subtle choices authors make, and better able to live in the next book you open.

Emily Badillo received a bachelor’s degree in English from Stanford University and a master’s degree in education from Hunter College. She has eight years of experience teaching middle and elementary schools students in New York City, and joined the Teach Like a Champion team in 2018. She is currently one of the writers working on TLAC’s reading curriculum.

Doug Lemov is the author of Teach Like a Champion (now in its 2.0 version), Practice Perfect and Reading Reconsidered. He’s a former English teacher and school leader and is now the managing director of a team at Uncommon Schools that provides professional development and curriculum tools for schools.

This article is based on a chapter from The ResearchEd Guide to the Curriculum: An Evidence-Informed Guide for Teachers (John Catt Educational, 2020, $19.95 160 pages).

The post Writing a Knowledge-Driven English Curriculum appeared first on Education Next.

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Forgetting How to Read https://www.educationnext.org/forgetting-how-to-read-review-reader-come-home-maryanne-wolf/ Wed, 27 Feb 2019 00:00:00 +0000 http://www.educationnext.org/forgetting-how-to-read-review-reader-come-home-maryanne-wolf/ A review of "Reader, Come Home" by Maryanne Wolf

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Reader Come Home

Reader, Come Home:
The Reading Brain in a Digital World
by Maryanne Wolf
Harper/HarperCollins, 2018, $24.99;
272 pages.

As reviewed by Doug Lemov

As you read this—on the subway or the porch, perhaps at your desk between meetings—reading as we know it is engaged in an epic battle it has all but lost.

You are the reason.

No matter where you are, Device is there with you, stowed in your pocket, at your behest, chirping away pleasantly. Check in with a colleague or the kids? Play Candy Crush? Find a baseball score? All while in line at Target or sitting through the 10 a.m. strategy meeting? Of course, Master. It would be my pleasure.

Suddenly Device must always be with you. You check it 150 to 200 times a day, studies tell us. You switch media sources (for instance, from Web browser to email) 27 times an hour. Your average duration of sustained focus on any digital task is just over two minutes.

Clever Device! Once it was the servant; now it is the master.

Poor Dickens. Poor Toni Morrison. They cannot compete with that. So we read less and less. But more importantly, we read differently. This is the subject of Maryanne Wolf’s profound new book, Reader, Come Home.

On the digital screen we read fleetingly, flittingly. Our brains have what scientists call “novelty bias.” We are predisposed to attend to new information; from an evolutionary perspective, what’s new, bright, and flashing could contain survival information. It gets priority. Reading on screens sets up a cycle of expectation and gratification. We are repeatedly distracted by whatever pops up, rewarded for each distraction with a tiny surge of dopamine. This attraction to “the new” crowds out reflection, creative association, critical analysis, empathy—the keys to what Wolf calls the “deep reading process.” We read in a constant state of partial attention. And, Wolf points out, this is as much cause as effect. Human beings developed the capacity to read relatively recently, over the past 5,000 years or so. The brain has no reading center. Rather, when we learn to read, we call upon multiple areas of the brain, exhibiting a cognitive quality known as neuroplasticity.

There is no single way a brain becomes “rewired,” explains Wolf, a cognitive neuroscientist and director of UCLA’s Center for Dyslexia, Diverse Learners, and Social Justice. The process happens differently, depending on how we read. Readers of Chinese (an ideographic language) rewire differently from those who read Spanish (a logographic one). Individuals also vary in how they rewire, based in part on how and what they read. The study of those who rewire differently because of dyslexia drew Wolf to the science of reading in the first place.

We made ourselves modern via a collective rewiring when writing and later print emerged and spread across vast strata of society not so long ago. Reading taught us to sustain and logically develop ideas, to enter the minds and perspectives of others through their words. As societies, we became less impulsive, violent, and irrational. Wolf quotes Nicolo Machiavelli reflecting on how he lost himself in a book, conducting an inner dialogue with the author and reading for four hours without interruption. When was the last time you did that?

“The long developmental process of learning to read deeply and well . . . rewired the brain, which transformed the nature of human thought,” Wolf writes.

Now there is a new transformation taking place. Skittish, distracted readers rewire differently from thoughtful and meditative ones, and so they—and the collective “we”—come to think differently, to develop different architecture for thinking. Through disuse, we are losing what Wolf calls “cognitive patience,” and thus the ability to immerse ourselves fully in books.

Wolf herself discovered this when she returned to a touchstone of her youth—Herman Hesse’s Magister Ludi—and found it mostly unreadable. She could not sustain the concentration the novel required. In just a few years it had all but slipped beyond her grasp.

It’s not all bad news. “Unlike in the past,” Wolf notes, “we possess both the science and the technology to identify potential changes in how we read and thus how we think before such changes are fully entrenched in the population and accepted without our comprehension of the consequences.” In her book she describes re-disciplining herself to find a way back into Magister Ludi. On the third reading of the novel, it comes again to resemble the book she knew.

That story is compelling, as is Wolf’s writing, which is buoyed by encyclopedic knowledge of cognitive science and of literature, laced with insight, and infused with a rare mix of science and artistry. As I read, I found myself pausing often, epiphany by epiphany, thinking, scribbling margin notes—in short, dwelling briefly in the fading world of deep reading she describes. That’s the good news.

The bad news lies in the chapters that are intended to offer hope. Wolf notes that digital culture has its benefits, but we must find a way to balance the positives of digital reading with the negatives, to manage the process.

She finds solace, for example, in the cognitive gifts that bilingualism bestows upon children. Couldn’t we teach young people to be digital and print bilingual? I read hopefully at first but with increasing despondency. Learning Spanish does not degrade one’s capacity in English. Mastering more than one language strengthens our verbal and cognitive abilities, while constantly consuming information via digital media can impair our facility to read deeply.

Wolf imagines that schools will form the vanguard in the quest to develop digital-print bilingual readers. They will teach “counter-skills” and “digital wisdom”—disciplined, self-aware switching between print and screen. But this would require schools to buck popular trends. Most schools today embrace technology reflexively. Many have stopped issuing print textbooks and offer only digital versions, despite the research on how poorly students read and remember digital content. SMART Boards survive even the tightest budgets. Many schools provide every student with a laptop, thus necessitating that every assignment will be completed with Device nearby, contrary to some parents’ efforts to restrict their children’s access to screens during homework and reading.

It is true that schools are one of the few places that could ensure time and space for deep reading, sustained and meditative. But this would require a changed vision: school as a place apart as much as a place connected; school as bastion against technology as much as acolyte; school as a place that shapes rather than merely accepts social norms. Not easy work, in other words, nor work most schools seem willing to do.

Still, it could happen in isolated places. Imagine schools of choice that intentionally isolate students from technology at strategic times during the learning process. If France can ban cell phones from all schools, as it recently did, it’s plausible that a few islands could emerge here and there in our country. It’s hard to imagine at scale, though.

So some may find Wolf’s optimism reassuring, but as a parent and educator I did not. One night, I awoke and imagined the book as an object in some science-fiction novel—The Last Book, written in a society where there would soon be no one left to read it. Reader, Come Home is an important, impeccably researched book possessed of just one flaw—its Reader.

Doug Lemov is a managing director at Uncommon Schools, and the author of Teach Like a Champion, a study of high-performing urban teachers and their methods, as well as Reading Reconsidered.

This article appeared in the Spring 2019 issue of Education Next. Suggested citation format:

Lemov, D. (2019). Forgetting How to Read: A neuroscientist examines reading in the age of screens. Education Next, 19(2), 78-79.

The post Forgetting How to Read appeared first on Education Next.

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Why Background Knowledge is Crucial for Literacy https://www.educationnext.org/background-knowledge-doug-lemov-reading-reconsidered-excerpt/ Wed, 16 Mar 2016 00:00:00 +0000 http://www.educationnext.org/background-knowledge-doug-lemov-reading-reconsidered-excerpt/ An excerpt of "Reading Reconsidered" by Doug Lemov, Colleen Driggs and Erica Woolway

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In the new book Reading Reconsidered: A Practical Guide to Rigorous Literacy Instruction, Doug Lemov, Colleen Driggs, and Erica Woolway offer clear guidance on how to teach students to be better readers. In this excerpt, they illuminate why background knowledge is so important to reading comprehension. Lemov, Driggs, and Woolway are leaders of the Teach Like a Champion team at Uncommon Schools, where they work to design and implement teacher training and principal training programs based on the study of high-performing teachers.

Reading nonfiction poses a double challenge for most students. Comprehension of nonfiction often demands a strong base of prior knowledge, but reading nonfiction is also one of the primary ways such a base of knowledge is built. Nonfiction, in other words, both relies on and develops knowledge, and the significance of this paradox is far reaching.

ednext-march16-readingreconsidered-excerpt-coverWe can start with the practical. One of the most forceful arguments in the Common Core is that students should read significantly more nonfiction than most currently do. This argument is intended to address a gap in preparation. Much of what many students must read in college is nonfiction—often complex and dense nonfiction—but their reading during their middle and high school years is usually heavily weighted toward fiction, often, as we discussed in chapter 1, insufficiently complex fiction. Thus students arrive on campus unprepared to read what is required of them.

So students need to read more nonfiction to be ready for college. And they will need to be able to read more of it for the gateway assessments that will get them there, not only any Common Core assessments but the redesigned SAT, which will focus intensively—even more so than in the past—on cross-disciplinary reading from the sciences, social sciences, and history, and which will include at least one excerpt from a key founding document of the United States every year. [1]

But even beyond these pragmatic arguments, success in middle and high school demands that students “read to learn.” They must glean knowledge from articles, textbooks, essays, research summaries, and the like to thrive in both social and hard sciences. And of course a broad and deep base of knowledge doesn’t just assist students in reading nonfiction texts: it makes successful readers of fiction too, just as the knowledge that students derive from reading isn’t exclusively from nonfiction. No matter how you feel about assessments like the Common Core and the SAT, this broader urgency of preparation drives their design.

So it is important not only to read plenty of nonfiction and to read it in a way that adds as efficiently as possible to a student’s knowledge base but also to read fiction in the same way. But we note a further challenge here. Students often like reading nonfiction less because it’s less engaging. We think it’s also worth reflecting on how we can help them enjoy it more, and our reflections on these challenges form the basis of this chapter.

Before we look at the connection between knowledge and reading comprehension, we should parse some terms. It’s not just nonfiction that students need more of. It’s nonnarrative nonfiction. Despite its terrible name, this term makes a critical distinction. Nonnarrative nonfiction (NNNF) is nonfiction that does not tell a story, as memoir and biography do. Rather, the main goal of NNNF is to disseminate information, as an article would, or present an argument, as an essay would. It’s the difference between reading “Letter from Birmingham Jail” and reading The Autobiography of Malcolm X. We use the term deliberately and in place of the more common term “expository” writing because to us it encompasses a wider array of texts, many of which are growing in relevance and importance with the rise of electronic media: interviews, speeches, opinion pieces (including op-eds and columns but also blog posts and less formal writing), letters, and primary historical documents, for example.

When teachers decide to read nonfiction in class, they most often read its narrative forms, precisely because of their accessibility. Reading narrative nonfiction is important. Much of our compendium of personal favorites—to read and to teach—is made up of memoir and biography, but it is also worth noting that these are the forms of nonfiction that most closely resemble fiction and therefore are most intuitive to students already. They have been familiarized with basic narrative conventions since the earliest stories they have heard, and this familiarity is reinforced with every movie or sitcom they watch. Less familiar forms of nonfiction—ones that lack a beginning, middle, and end or an identifiable storyteller, or that employ different organizing principles, for example—pose much bigger challenges. Thus, in this chapter, we place particular emphasis on tools teachers can use to read nonfiction’s nonnarrative forms more frequently, engagingly, and successfully.

The Key Challenge: Background Knowledge

One reason why the fact that nonfiction texts both build and rely on background knowledge is so critical for teachers to consider is the tendency for its effects to compound over time. In reading, the more you know, the more you learn. Educators often refer to this as the Matthew Effect, in reference to a line in the Bible that details the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer. In reading, it means that when you know a little about a topic going in, the text adds more knowledge and detail to your framework—easily and naturally deepening your understanding and building connections to existing knowledge while still leaving you enough processing capacity to be able to reflect on the nature of the ideas in the text.

This is great news if you start out with broad and deep knowledge, but less positive if you don’t. When you know very little about a topic, it’s easy to be confused or overwhelmed by new information. You can hold just a small fraction of it in your working memory, but you don’t really know enough to decide what’s most important and worth prioritizing. What you attend to is likely to be a combination of signal and noise. The new knowledge can easily become a morass of disjointed facts too daunting to prioritize or weave together in a cohesive way. Instead of comprehending an argument as a whole, you’d risk remembering a random detail here or maybe confusing two facts there. Or you’d just miss things. You might finish not much further along than you started.

Consider this sentence:

As the desert sun climbs overhead, the kangaroo rat burrows deep in the sand and rests until evening.

For a reader with the background knowledge to know that the desert sun’s “climbing” implies that it is moving toward the point where it is hottest and where that heat is deadly to mammals, there is not much of an inference to make—survival demands that the rat hide until the sun goes down. But if the reader merely knows that deserts are hot—not deadly hot—or that we are talking about the scorching midday sun, then the rat’s behavior is, if not inexplicable, at least subject to multiple interpretations. Maybe the rat is afraid. The passage loses its intended meaning. An uninformed reader is misunderstanding as much as failing to understand.

And there are even subtler knowledge requirements implied by the sentence. A reader familiar with the conventions of species naming is likely to recognize instantly (that is, in the time it takes to process it while decoding the sentence) that the kangaroo rat is a species of rat, not a creature that’s half kangaroo and half rat, and that it doesn’t look like a kangaroo. Its name is metaphorical, not literal, and given merely because it can jump far. Worse, uninformed readers are likely to suffer these misunderstandings in silence. The passage seems “obvious” to those who have the necessary knowledge, and the barriers to meaning to those who lack that knowledge are both inscrutable and often invisible, so misunderstandings are likely to endure.

Research bears this out. Cognitive psychologist Daniel Willingham notes that a student’s background knowledge is among the strongest factors predicting his or her reading comprehension. As he wrote recently in his blog, “Once kids are fluent decoders, much of the difference among readers is not due to whether [they’re] a ‘good reader’ or ‘bad reader’ (meaning [they] have good or bad reading skills). Much of the difference among readers is due to how wide a range of knowledge they have. If you hand me a reading test and the text is on a subject I happen to know a bit about, I’ll do better than if it happens to be on a subject I know nothing about.” [2]

A 1988 study by Recht and Leslie is often cited as a compelling bit of proof. The researchers divided a group of young readers into two groups. One half of the readers had been shown by previous assessments to have strong reading skills—from decoding to comprehension—but they knew little about baseball. A second group comprised students with much lower reading skills, but with solid baseball knowledge. Both groups were given a passage about a baseball game to read and asked a series of comprehension questions. The result was that “weaker” readers with baseball knowledge outperformed the “good” readers without it. [3] They simply had the context to understand what was happening when, let’s say, “Roberts sacrificed Martin to second.” For them, Martin was now in scoring position, and Roberts was in the dugout. But this was not clear to their peers. As perspicacious as their reading might have been, their lack of knowledge betrayed them. What they needed to know was left unsaid.

“Every passage that you read omits information,” Willingham writes. “All of this omitted information must be brought to the text by the reader. Otherwise the passage will be puzzling, or only partly understood.” [4] And of course this is particularly obvious with passages about baseball, but it’s just as true of passages about kangaroo rats in the deserts or about life in Colonial times or even Tuck Everlasting.

Teachers often refer to the process of figuring out what’s left unsaid as making inferences. We see colleagues practicing this “skill” to help students get good at it. But no amount of inferencing practice—no amount of asking students to combine what they know with a conjecture about what they don’t—would have helped those high readers without baseball knowledge as they sought to grasp what they did not know was missing. In fact, as we will discuss in a moment, it may be that inferencing is not a skill. If it is, it is a skill that is also predicated on students having knowledge to enable it to take place.

A paper by Cunningham and Stanovich went further in studying the connection between knowledge and reading. It took results for eleventh graders on an established reading comprehension test and assessed their correlation to several measures of their general knowledge, not knowledge specific to the passages on the test as the baseball study had done. [5] There was a “remarkably high correlation between reading comprehension and the measures of cultural knowledge,” Willingham noted. [6] Correlation isn’t cause, of course—a point we make throughout this book—so it’s possible that the good readers in this second study simply knew more by the time they were tested, but given the relationship between knowledge and reading, that’s sort of the point. Whether the knowledge caused the reading comprehension or the reading comprehension caused the knowledge, or both, it is still clear that reading and knowledge are linked in important ways.

Let’s return for a moment to the idea of practicing inferencing to help students get better at it. Every text requires constant inference on the part of the reader. However, the size of the inferences students must make varies with the depth of their prior knowledge about what they are reading. This discrepancy in the size and number of inferences—a sort of regressive tax on lack of knowledge—is likely one of the key reasons that knowledge influences comprehension so deeply.

In The Knowledge Deficit, E. D. Hirsch Jr. argues that the ability to make inferences is not actually a formal skill. [7] Although this point may sound abstract, its ramifications aren’t. If making inferences isn’t a skill—that is, if practicing making inferences in one setting won’t necessarily increase the likelihood of your making successful inferences elsewhere—then repetition is of limited value. If you make inferences based in large part on your existing knowledge, making a leap might not be the problem; knowing enough to know where and how to jump might be.

Consider that even the weakest readers have no trouble making inferences about the movies and television shows they watch as part of their constant interaction with popular culture. The problem then clearly isn’t with those students’ ability to make inferences. In a familiar context, they “get” what’s unsaid. Rather, the difficulty must lie in the setting—at least in most cases: the students cannot process the text with enough cognitive bandwidth left over to make inferences, or they lack the vocabulary to follow the narrative, or they lack knowledge. They don’t know what it means to burrow or what a climbing sun implies. Yes, it could be that there are also specific cognitive processes that make inferences work differently when made from text rather than visually, but even if that were true, knowledge would almost assuredly be a significant compounding factor. So in all likelihood, making inferences requires both background knowledge and experience thinking about what’s missing from a text—in fact, we’d argue, knowing what sorts of things are often missing in a text is a sort of tacit knowledge that comes from experience. By itself though, a strategy-based approach to practicing making inferences is at least insufficient. Building background knowledge is necessary—and possibly primarily necessary—for students to make effective inferences.

Doug Lemov, Colleen Driggs, and Erica Woolway are leaders of the Teach Like a Champion team at Uncommon Schools. Connect with the authors on Twitter at @Doug_Lemov, @EricaWoolway and @ColleenDriggs.


Notes:

1. College Board, Test Specifications for the Redesigned SAT, 2014, https://collegereadiness.collegeboard.org/pdf/test-specifications-redesigned-sat.pdf, 9.
2. Daniel Willingham, “School Time, Knowledge, and Reading Comprehension,” Daniel Willingham (blog), March 7, 2012, http://www.danielwillingham.com/daniel-willingham-science-and-education-blog/school-time-knowledge-and-reading-comprehension.
3. Donna R. Recht and Lauren Leslie, “Effect of Prior Knowledge on Good and Poor Readers’ Memory of Text,” Journal of Educational Psychology 80 (1988): 16–20.
4. Willingham, “School Time.”
5. Anne E. Cunningham and Keith E. Stanovich, Early reading acquisition and its relation to reading experience and ability 10 years later. Developmental Psychology 33 (1997): 934–945.
6. Willingham, “School Time.”
7. E. D. Hirsch Jr., The Knowledge Deficit: Closing the Shocking Education Gap for American Children (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006).

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